Huan Yu Ping Commentary on the Structural Roots of Japan’s ‘Neo-Militarism’ & Why it Must be Contained
Also in this edition: State Council Plenary Meeting on 2026 Agenda - Outcomes of US-China Talks in Paris - China-Vietnam 3+3 Meeting
Here are the key reports and articles from the People’s Daily’s edition on Tuesday, March 17, 2026.
Page 1: On the front page today, there’s a report on the 11th plenary meeting of the State Council.
The report says that the meeting focussed on thoroughly studying and implementing the important speeches of General Secretary Xi Jinping during the NPC and CPPCC sessions and making arrangements for implementing the State Council’s key tasks for 2026. 国务院总理李强3月16日主持召开国务院第十一次全体会议，深入学习贯彻习近平总书记在全国两会期间的重要讲话和全国两会精神，对落实国务院2026年重点工作进行部署. The principal officials of the NDRC, the Ministry of Science and Technology, the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology, the National Health Commission, and the People’s Bank of China spoke at the meeting.
Li Qiang said that Xi’s speeches “profoundly elaborated on many major issues concerning my country’s development and made work arrangements, possessing strong strategic, guiding, and targeted characteristics. It is essential to deeply understand the essence and practical requirements of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important speech, and to effectively unify our thoughts and actions with the spirit of General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important instructions and the decisions and deployments of the Party Central Committee, solidly carry out all aspects of government work, and strive to demonstrate new achievements in advancing Chinese-style modernisation.” 李强指出，习近平总书记在全国两会期间的重要讲话，从全局出发对关系我国发展的许多重大问题作了深刻阐述和工作部署，具有很强的战略性、指导性和针对性。要深刻领会习近平总书记重要讲话的精神实质和实践要求，切实把思想和行动统一到习近平总书记重要指示精神和党中央决策部署上来，扎实做好政府各项工作，努力在推进中国式现代化中展现新作为.
Li Qiang pointed out that this year is the opening year of the 15th FYP. Facing a complex and severe external environment and arduous and heavy tasks of reform, development, and stability, the State Council and its departments must maintain strategic focus and take more proactive measures, serving as executors, doers, and pragmatists in implementing the decisions and plans of the Party Central Committee to a higher standard. This ‘higher standard’ should currently be reflected in three key aspects:
First, it is to be embodied in a keen grasp of changes in the situation; it is necessary both to establish bottom-line thinking and, more importantly, to strengthen the consciousness of forging ahead, to be adept at seeking opportunities amid change and turning crises into opportunities, and to firmly hold the initiative in development.
Second, it is to be reflected in greater effectiveness in overcoming difficulties—neither delaying nor detouring, directly facing difficulties, deeply applying a ‘combination punch’, continuously consolidating the foundation for development and enhancing economic resilience.
Third, it is to be embodied in sustained efforts to resolve long-standing problems—targeting the stage-specific characteristics of China’s economic transformation and upgrading, focusing on resolving contradictions and problems that concern the overall situation, persevering over time and achieving results through good execution, and continuously making breakthroughs. 李强指出，今年是“十五五”开局之年，面对复杂严峻的外部环境和艰巨繁重的改革发展稳定任务，国务院及各部门要始终保持战略定力、更加积极主动作为，以更高标准当好贯彻党中央决策部署的执行者、行动派、实干家。这个“更高标准”，当前重点要体现在三个方面：一是体现在对形势变化的敏锐把握上，既要树立底线思维，更要增强进取意识，善于变中寻机、化危为机，牢牢把握发展主动权。二是体现在攻坚克难的更大实效上，不拖不绕、直面困难，深入打好“组合拳”，不断夯实发展基础、增强经济韧性。三是体现在破解长期问题的持续努力上，针对我国经济转型升级的阶段性特征，围绕解决事关全局的矛盾和问题，久久为功、善作善成，不断取得突破.
“Li Qiang pointed out that regarding this year’s and the 15th FYP period’s work on economic and social development, the Party Central Committee has made strategic deployments, and the Government Work Report and the 15th FYP outline have made specific arrangements. These must be pushed forward without any deviation or omission, especially focusing on a number of key tasks with strong guiding and leveraging effects:
First, deepen the construction of a unified national market;
Second, actively plan and promote the expansion and quality improvement of the service industry;
Third, accelerate the development of next-generation intelligent manufacturing;
Fourth, systematically promote the construction of a major infrastructure network;
Fifth, invest more heavily in people and serve the people’s livelihood;
Sixth, better respond to external shocks and challenges under the new circumstances.”
李强指出，关于今年和“十五五”经济社会发展工作，党中央作了战略部署，政府工作报告和“十五五”规划纲要作了具体安排，要不折不扣推动落实，特别是要抓好一批牵引性、撬动性强的重点工作。一是纵深推进全国统一大市场建设，二是积极谋划推动服务业扩能提质，三是加快发展新一代智能制造，四是系统推进重大基础设施网络建设，五是更大力度投资于人、服务于民生，六是更好应对新形势下的外部冲击挑战.
Li Qiang emphasised that it is necessary, in accordance with the unified deployments of the Party Central Committee, to solidly carry out the study and education campaign on establishing and practicing the correct view of political achievements. Closely adhering to the general requirements of ‘establishing the Party for the public good, benefitting the people, making scientific decisions, and truly grasping and working hard’, combine the conduct of study and education with doing government work well, adhere to seeking truth from facts, consciously act in accordance with objective laws, strengthen the orientation toward high-quality development, strengthen the orientation toward serving the overall situation, and fully reflect the results of study and education in work outcomes. 李强强调，要按照党中央统一部署，扎实开展树立和践行正确政绩观学习教育。紧扣贯彻“立党为公、为民造福、科学决策、真抓实干”总要求，把抓好学习教育和做好政府工作结合起来，坚持实事求是，自觉按规律办事，强化高质量发展的导向，强化服务全局的导向，把学习教育成果充分体现到工作成效上.
Page 3: There’s a report on the trade talks between China and the US in Paris. Chinese Vice Premier He Lifeng met with Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer. The report says:
Guided by the important consensus of the two heads of state of China and the United States, the two sides conducted candid, in-depth, and constructive exchanges and consultations on economic and trade issues of mutual concern, including tariff arrangements, promoting bilateral trade and investment, and safeguarding existing consultation consensus. They formed some new consensus and will continue to maintain consultations. 双方以中美两国元首重要共识为引领，围绕关税安排、促进双边贸易投资、维护已有磋商共识等彼此关心的经贸议题，进行了坦诚、深入、建设性的交流磋商，形成了一些新的共识，并将继续保持磋商.
He Lifeng said that, under the strategic guidance of the important consensus reached by the two heads of state, and following five rounds of trade consultations last year, China and the US reached a series of consultation outcomes in the economic and trade field, injecting more certainty and stability into bilateral trade relations and the world economy. Recently, the US Supreme Court ruled that the tariffs imposed by the US under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act were illegal. Subsequently, the US imposed a 10% import surcharge on all trading partners under Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974, and also introduced a series of negative measures concerning China, including Section 301 investigations, corporate sanctions, and market access restrictions. China’s position against the US’s unilateral tariffs is consistent. China urges the US to completely remove unilateral tariffs and other restrictive measures, and will take necessary measures to resolutely defend its legitimate rights and interests. China hopes the US will work with China to implement the important consensus reached by the two heads of state, continuously expand the list of cooperation, reduce the list of issues, and promote the healthy, stable, and sustainable development of China-US economic and trade relations. 何立峰表示，在两国元首重要共识战略引领下，经过去年五轮经贸磋商，中美在经贸领域达成一系列磋商成果，为两国经贸关系和世界经济注入了更多确定性和稳定性。近期，美最高法院已裁决美依据《国际紧急经济权力法》加征的关税违法，随后美方依据《1974年贸易法》第122条对所有贸易伙伴加征10%进口附加费，还陆续出台了有关301调查、企业制裁、市场准入限制等涉华消极举措。中方反对美方加征单边关税的立场是一贯的，敦促美方彻底取消单边关税等限制措施，并将采取必要措施，坚决捍卫自身正当合法权益。希望美方与中方相向而行，共同落实好两国元首重要共识，不断拉长合作清单，压缩问题清单，推动中美经贸关系健康、稳定、可持续发展.
The US side said that a stable China-US economic and trade relationship is crucial for both countries and the world, contributing to global economic growth, supply chain security, and financial stability. Both sides should reduce friction, avoid escalating issues, and resolve differences through consultation. Both sides agreed to explore establishing a cooperation mechanism to promote bilateral trade and investment, continue to leverage the China-US economic and trade consultation mechanism, strengthen dialogue and communication, properly manage differences, expand pragmatic cooperation, and promote the sustained and stable improvement of bilateral economic and trade relations. 美方表示，稳定的中美经贸关系对两国和世界非常重要，有助于推动全球经济增长、供应链安全和金融稳定。双方应减少摩擦、避免问题升级，通过磋商解决分歧。双方同意，研究建立促进双边贸易投资的合作机制，继续发挥好中美经贸磋商机制作用，加强对话沟通，妥善管控分歧，拓展务实合作，推动双边经贸关系持续稳定向好.
Bessent spoke to the press after the talks. Here’s a bit from his engagement with CNBC on the potential Trump-Xi meeting being postponed.
“BESSENT: Well, the meetings were very good. We’ve got a stable relationship. This is our sixth meeting in our economic consultations. The vice premier, He Lifeng, and I have developed great respect for each other. But, really, the meetings are generated by the great respect that the two leaders, President Trump, Party Chair Xi, have for each other. You know, we will see whether the visit takes place as scheduled. But what I do want to parse, and there’s a false narrative out there that if the meetings are delayed, it wouldn’t be delayed because the president’s demanded that China police the Straits of Hormuz. It would be the—
SULLIVAN: Because there was a report out to that effect this morning.
BESSENT: That’s completely false. So, if the meeting for some reason is rescheduled, it would be rescheduled because of logistics. The president wants to remain in D.C. to coordinate the war effort and that, you know, traveling abroad at a time like this may not be optimal.”
BESSENT: Exactly. It would be a decision the president made as commander-in-chief to stay in the White House or to stay in the United States while this war is being prosecuted.
SULLIVAN: Because there -- you’re a markets expert, obviously, longtime market participant. The markets are, may react to any word of a delay, pause in the meeting, and you’re saying if this meeting is paused or delayed, the market should not react, assuming it’s some conflict between the two nations.
BESSENT: Absolutely not, absolutely not. We had a very good two days here. We will be issuing a statement in the next few days. And we will be reaffirming the stability in the relationship between the first and second largest economies in the world.”
“China’s chief trade negotiator, Li Chenggang, described the talks at the Paris headquarters of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development as ‘in-depth, candid and constructive consultations’, and said both sides had committed to maintaining the stability of bilateral tariff levels. Greer said the two sides had agreed on general terms of a ‘work plan’ to tee up agreements for Trump and Xi to consider when they do meet. A potential delay would provide more time to flesh out the proposals. These included expanding U.S. exports of agricultural and energy goods, as well as a formal mechanism to manage trade with China, which he said might be called the U.S.-China Board of Trade. This body would identify ‘what kinds of things should we be importing from China, what kinds of things should we be exporting to China, to really make sure that we can focus on areas of mutual benefit’. The agreement on broad contours of the mechanism by the two sides, as well as a less-developed ‘Board of Investment’ to sort out investment issues, was first reported by Reuters late on Sunday.”
Next, there’s a Huan Yu Ping commentary criticising what it says is Japan’s ‘neo-militarism’. This is a really long but interesting article. It offers a critique of Japan’s foreign and security policy, blending Chinese national and Marxist perspectives. In some sense, the article indicates that what’s happening in Japan is a structural shift to the right; at the same time, it also reserves specific criticism for Sanae Takaichi as the one who is accelerating this transformation. This is quite a dire prognosis of the situation, from a Chinese perspective. The article does not discuss what Beijing can, will or must do to deal with the change that is being identified here.
The article says:
“Recently, Japan’s Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi delivered a policy speech, once again expressing a strong intention to revise the constitution, and proposing to fundamentally strengthen Japan’s defense capabilities, expand exports of lethal weapons, and enhance national intelligence capabilities, sending a clear signal of accelerating the push toward ‘re-militarisation’. Some commentary within Japan sharply points out that 2026 may become the ‘first year of Japan’s militarisation transformation’. This transformation is not only reflected in strengthening defense forces, but also permeates various economic and social fields, such as industry, technology, and infrastructure, intending to cause the entire country to take on a comprehensive military character.
In recent years, Japan’s right wing has grown increasingly rampant, continuously advancing a more concealed and deceptive ‘neo-militarism’. It wears the cloak of ‘peace’ and ‘defense’, but its core objective is to cast off the constraints of being a defeated country in World War II and promote Japan into a major military power capable of exercising force abroad and even waging wars. Since Sanae Takaichi came to power, this process has comprehensively accelerated. In the fields of politics, military affairs, diplomacy, and ideology, Japan has continuously broken through the constraints of the ‘peace constitution’ and the postwar international order, with the pace of rearmament growing ever larger and ever more urgent.
Facts fully demonstrate that Japan’s ‘neo-militarism’ is no longer merely a dangerous sign, but a real threat; regional countries and the international community must exercise greater vigilance and contain its growth and spread.” 近期，日本首相高市早苗发表施政方针演说，再次表达强烈修宪意愿，并提出从根本上强化日本防卫力量、扩大杀伤性武器出口、提升国家情报能力，传递加速推进“再军事化”的明确信号。日本国内有评论尖锐指出，2026年可能成为“日本军事化转型元年”，这种转型不仅体现在强化防卫力量上，更渗透到产业、科技、基础建设等经济社会各领域，意图使整个国家全面染上军事色彩。近年来，日本右翼日益猖獗，不断推进更具隐蔽性和欺骗性的“新型军国主义”。它披着“和平”和“防卫”的外衣，核心目标却是摆脱二战战败国束缚，推动日本成为能够对外行使武力甚至发动战争的军事大国。自高市早苗上台以来，这一进程全面加速，日本在政治、军事、外交及意识形态等领域，不断突破“和平宪法”与战后国际秩序束缚，重整军备的步子越迈越大、越迈越急。事实充分表明，日本“新型军国主义”已不再只是危险苗头，而是现实威胁，地区国家和国际社会必须予以更大警惕，遏制其成势蔓延.
“1. Mutation: ‘Neo-militarism’ both retains the expansionist genes of traditional militarism and has mutated to produce new characteristics of a highly deceptive nature
“In the Martyrs’ Cemetery of Jiamusi city, Heilongjiang, lies at eternal rest the internationalist fighter Midorikawa Eiko. Midorikawa Eiko, whose original name was Hasegawa Teruko, witnessed during the War of Resistance Against Japan the appalling casualties inflicted on Chinese civilians by the invading Japanese military, and resolutely threw herself into the anti-Japanese resistance movement, conducting ‘anti-war broadcasts’ in Japanese directed at Japanese soldiers and civilians: ‘When you shout your willingness to die in loyal service to the Emperor, and spill your ardent blood across the land of China, do you know for whom you are spending your lives? And for whom you are rendering loyal service? Are the souls of the dead on the altar of the ‘holy war’ heroes, or criminals? Compatriots, do not shed your blood in the wrong cause; your enemy is not here, across the sea from you…”
Midorikawa Eiko’s outcry was aimed squarely at the essence of modern Japanese militarism, i.e., the exercise of ideological control and military rule at home and the pursuit of aggression and expansion abroad. From the end of World War II down to the present day, the spectre of militarism has continued to hover over Japan. Japan’s current ‘neo-militarism’ is the stubborn generation and mutated evolution of militarism in the contemporary era; it both retains the expansionist genes and has mutated to produce new characteristics of a highly deceptive nature.
Politically, modern Japan experienced almost no free-market capitalism, resulting in a feudalistic ‘clan’ ruling group formed by zaibatsu (conglomerates) who bound themselves to the government and military through shared interests and familial ties. Under the guise of modern Western democracy, postwar Japan’s ruling class remained primarily composed of political dynasties, professional bureaucrats, and zaibatsu tycoons, many of whose families could be traced back to the pre-war ruling class. In this new ecology, radical politicians and career bureaucrats have filled the ‘ecological niche’ formerly occupied by the old military, deeply binding together administrative power with zaibatsu’s interests, carrying out the will of military expansion under the cover of democratic procedures, and promoting ‘neo-militarism’.
Militarily, due to a lack of primitive accumulation and resources, old-style Japanese militarism was extremely dependent on foreign wars and colonial plunder to replenish capital, adopting a military adventurism of ‘using the small to gamble against the large’. ‘Neo-militarism’, likewise, also prioritizes war preparedness as a core agenda, focusing on building offensive forces. However, constrained by the ‘peace constitution’ and the peaceful forces within Japanese society, its methods are more covert and deceptive: it no longer directly proclaims aggression, but instead employs a ‘salami-slicing’ approach, using ‘developing counter-attack capabilities’ to mask offensive intentions, ‘exercising the right of collective self-defense’ to package overseas military operations, and using the guise of strengthening ‘economic security’ and ‘crisis management’ to carry out war mobilization, attempting to achieve military deregulation under the facade of ‘compliance’.
Economically, old-style Japanese militarism practiced ‘high accumulation, low consumption,’ squeezing the people to sustain heavy industry and military-industrial production; the zaibatsu were both the foundation and the driving force of expansion, forming a vicious cycle. ‘Neo-militarism’ has likewise established a symbiotic relationship between rearmament and the interests of the zaibatsu. The Japanese government obtains fiscal revenue through excessive issuance of national debt and tax increases, and channels it to the zaibatsu in the form of massive military procurement, completing a transfer of wealth from ordinary citizens to the military-industrial interest groups. Once this massive military-industrial investment forms a path dependency, if the government is unable to maintain and expand arms procurement, the profits of the financial combines will be unsustainable, and they will inevitably employ every means to push back and force national policy toward further militarisation.
Culturally, Japan’s ‘neo-militarism’ has inherited the pre-war cultural dross of the ‘imperial nation historical view’, the ‘Yamato people’s superiority theory’, ‘bushido (way of the warrior)’, and the like, subscribing to the narrow logic of power-worship and military expansion, viewing the development of neighbouring countries as a strategic threat, which is entirely in the same vein as the expansionist theories of the ‘sovereignty lines’ and ‘interest lines’ propagated by militarism. In terms of content, ‘neo-militarism’ culture has added so-called ‘universal values’ such as ‘freedom, democracy, and human rights’ as packaging, in order to deceive the international community;in methods, it emphasizes the use of algorithmic recommendation and opinion manipulation in the social media era to construct ‘information cocoons’, subtly inciting narrow nationalist sentiments. Not long ago, the well-known game and animation IP Pokémon planned related activities at the Yasukuni Shrine, triggering a major controversy. This once again shows that the distorted views of history and war propagated by ‘neo-militarism’ are deeply penetrating the younger generation through concealed channels such as culture, sports, and entertainment.
Diplomatically, Japan’s ‘neo-militarism’ has continued the geopolitical logic of prioritising opportunism and stirring up confrontation, using various machinations to muddy the waters in an attempt to create favourable conditions for strategic expansion. In recent years, Japan’s right wing has continuously pushed to deepen the Japan-US alliance, willingly serving as a vanguard for the so-called ‘Indo-Pacific Strategy’; it has increased its intervention in regional flashpoint issues, drawing in individual regional countries to deepen defense cooperation and accelerating the pace of military unfettering through bilateral military cooperation; it has increased linkage inside and outside the region, promoted ‘NATO’s eastward advance’, and, under the banner of ‘proactive pacifism’, deeply intervened in global security issues while seeking global operations for the Self-Defense Forces.
The poisonous legacy of Japanese militarism has not been dispelled and is fermenting by the day. The outcry of Midorikawa Eiko all those years ago—‘do not shed your blood in the wrong cause’—transcends time and space and continues to this day to strike like a thunderclap upon deaf ears.”
（一）畸变：“新型军国主义”既保留了传统军国主义的扩张基因，又异化出极具欺骗性的新特征黑龙江佳木斯市烈士陵园里，长眠着国际主义战士绿川英子。绿川英子原名长谷川照子，抗日战争期间，她目睹日军侵略导致中国平民伤亡的惨状，坚定投身抗日运动，用日语向日本军民进行“反战广播”：“当你们高喊着誓死效忠天皇，一腔热血尽洒在中国大地之时，你们可曾知道，这是在为谁卖命？又是在为谁效忠？圣战祭台上的亡灵，是英雄，还是罪犯？同胞们，别错洒了你们的热血，你们的敌人不在隔海的这里……”绿川英子的疾呼，矛头直指近代日本军国主义的本质——对内实施思想控制与军事统治，对外推行侵略扩张。从二战结束直到今天，军国主义的幽灵仍在日本上空游荡。日本当前的“新型军国主义”是军国主义在当代的顽固孳生与畸变演进，既保留了扩张基因，又异化出极具欺骗性的新特征。政治上，近代日本几乎未经历自由资本主义阶段，形成了由财阀与政府、军部通过利益捆绑、家族姻亲等方式结成的封建性“门阀”统治集团。在现代西方民主制度的外衣下，战后日本的统治集团依然主要由政治世家、职业官僚与财阀巨头构成，其家族多可追溯至战前统治阶层。在这一新生态中，激进政客和职业官僚填补了昔日军部的“生态位”，行政力量与财阀利益深度绑定，在民主程序的掩护下执行军事扩张意志，推行“新型军国主义”。军事上，因缺乏原始积累和资源，昔日日本军国主义极度依赖对外战争和殖民掠夺来补充资本，采取“以小博大”的军事冒险主义。“新型军国主义”同样将备战作为核心议程，重点打造进攻性力量。但受限于“和平宪法”与日本社会和平力量，其手段更具隐蔽性和迷惑性：不再直接宣扬侵略，而是通过“切香肠”的方式，以“发展反击能力”掩饰进攻意图，以“行使集体自卫权”包装海外用兵，以强化“经济安全”“危机管理”之名行战争动员之实，试图在“合规”的假象下实现军事松绑。经济上，昔日日本军国主义实行“高积累、低消费”，压榨民众以支撑重工业和军工生产，财阀既是扩张的基础，也是动力，形成恶性循环。“新型军国主义”同样建立了重整军备与财阀利益的共生关系。日本政府通过超发国债和增税获取财政收入，将之以巨额军费采购形式输送给财阀，完成了财富从普通国民向军工利益集团的转移。这种巨额军工投资一旦形成路径依赖，政府若不能维持、扩大军备采购，财阀利润便难以为继，势必采取一切方式倒逼国家政策进一步军事化。文化上，日本“新型军国主义”承袭了战前“皇国史观”“大和民族优越论”“武士道”等文化糟粕，奉行实力主义与军事扩张的狭隘逻辑，视邻国发展为战略威胁，与军国主义鼓吹的“主权线”“利益线”扩张理论如出一辙。“新型军国主义”文化在内容上，增加了“自由、民主、人权”等所谓“普世价值”作为包装，以蒙蔽国际社会；在手段上，注重利用社交媒体时代的算法推荐和舆论操控，构建“信息茧房”，潜移默化煽动狭隘民族主义情绪。不久前，知名游戏动漫IP宝可梦计划在靖国神社举办相关活动，引发轩然大波。这再次表明，“新型军国主义”思想所宣扬的扭曲的历史观和战争观，正通过文体娱乐等隐蔽渠道向年轻一代深度渗透。外交上，日本“新型军国主义”延续了重投机、挑对抗的地缘博弈逻辑，以种种操弄搅浑水，企图为战略扩张制造便利。近年来，日本右翼持续推动深化日美同盟，甘当所谓“印太战略”的马前卒；加大对地区热点问题介入，拉拢个别地区国家深化防务合作，以双边军事合作加快军事解缚步伐；加大域内外联动，推动“北约东进”，打着“积极和平主义”幌子深度介入全球安全议题，寻求自卫队全球行动。日本军国主义遗毒未消，日渐发酵。绿川英子当年“别错洒了你们的热血”的疾呼，穿越时空，至今仍振聋发聩.
The second section of the article provides a four-point diagnosis of why neo-militarism is reviving in Japan.
First, “Japanese militarism was not subjected to thorough reckoning” after WWII. “Unlike Germany’s thorough post-war ‘de-Nazification’, Japan’s post-war democratisation reform was abandoned halfway under the influence of America’s Cold War strategy, and the poisonous legacy of militarism was retained within the political body of Japan.” ——日本军国主义没有被彻底清算。与德国战后彻底的“去纳粹化”不同，日本战后的民主化改造在美国冷战战略影响下半途而废，军国主义遗毒被保留在了日本的政治肌体之中.
Second, “since the end of the Cold War, and particularly in recent years, Japan’s political ecology has undergone structural change. The reformist and moderate conservative forces that once served as a counterbalancing power have grown progressively weaker, while right-wing conservative forces have not only completed the purging and consolidation of the political mainstream but have also come to occupy the absolute center of state power, continuously transforming far-right ideology into the will of the state and legal actions. Since Takaichi Sanae came to power, she has accelerated the hollowing out of Japan’s long-standing power-war line of ‘emphasising the economy and de-emphasszing military buildup’; the traditional ‘pacifism’ has been stigmatised as ‘peace dementia’, while the radical line of ‘revising the constitution and strengthening the military’ has been packaged as the only path to ‘normalisation of the state’. This political line has become increasingly entrenched, and radical security policies have encountered almost no substantial resistance in the Diet, advancing rapidly in a vacuum of ineffective checks and balances.” ——日本政治右倾化愈演愈烈。冷战结束后，特别是近年来，日本政治生态发生结构性变迁。曾经作为制衡力量的革新派与温和保守派日渐式微，右翼保守势力不仅完成了对政坛主流的清洗与整合，更占据了国家权力的绝对中枢，不断将极右翼的意识形态转化为国家的制度意志与法律行动。高市早苗上台后，加速掏空日本战后长期奉行的“重经济、轻军备”路线，传统的“和平主义”被污名化为“和平痴呆”，而激进的“修宪强军”则被包装成“国家正常化”的必由之路。这种政治路线日渐固化，激进的安保政策在国会几乎遭遇不到实质性阻力，在缺乏有效制约的真空中狂飙突进。
Third, “long-term economic stagnation has plunged Japan into strategic anxiety.” Essentially, there are structural economic problems, which politicians have been unable to address. Therefore, they are hyping up external threats and deflecting
Fourth, certain interest groups profit by pushing military expansion. “As Japan’s defense policy has taken an aggressive turn, Japan’s defense expenditure has risen for 14 consecutive years from fiscal year 2012 to fiscal year 2026, and in particular has doubled within 3 years since 2022, resulting in large numbers of orders going to Japan’s military-industrial enterprises.”随着日本防卫政策的激进转向，日本防卫费从2012财年到2026财年实现了连续14年上涨，特别是2022年以来3年内翻番，日本军工企业因此获得大量订单. The article mentions that since November 2022, Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, IHI Corporation, and Kawasaki Heavy Industries’ shares rose substantially while the average annual growth rate of Japan’s manufacturing sector over the same period rose less than 1%. 数据显示，自2022年11月以来，三菱重工股价涨幅超过650%，IHI株式会社股价涨幅超过480%，川崎重工涨幅超过280%。与此形成鲜明对照的是，同期日本制造业平均年增长率还不到1%. The article also talks about how military-industrial enterprises are linked to politicians via campaign donations: “The deep binding of right-wing politicians’ interests with those of the military-industrial complex is in substance a drawing against the nation’s future, using massive fiscal deficits to ‘transfuse blood’ into specific conglomerates.” 右翼政客与军工复合体利益深度绑定，实质上是在透支国家未来，用高额财政赤字为特定财阀集团“输血”。
The third section of the article directly criticises Sanae Takaichi. The piece calls her “Abe’s girl” 安倍的女孩. It argues that she “harbours a deep militarist complex” 浓厚的军国主义情结, and has thus pushed policy in that direction. The author then offers the following assessment of Takaichi’s policies:
At the level of political and legal principles, there is an attempt to completely remove obstacles to war. Sanae Takaichi has relied on the Liberal Democratic Party and far-right parties to form the ‘most conservative ruling coalition since the war’, continuously consolidating the basic support base of right-wing governance. In her recent policy speech, Sanae Takaichi portrayed that ‘competition among states is becoming increasingly intense, complex, and normalized’, once again vigorously smearing China, and exaggerating that Japan faces the ‘most severe and complex security environment since the war.’ By constructing such a ‘crisis’ narrative, the Takaichi administration continuously lays the groundwork for promoting the process of constitutional revision, intending to hollow out the post-war peace system, fundamentally change the basic ‘exclusively defense-oriented’ policy, and drive Japan to radically turn into a ‘war-capable’ state. 在政治法理层面，试图彻底扫除战争障碍。高市早苗依托自民党和极右翼政党组成“战后最保守执政联盟”，不断巩固右翼执政基本盘。在近期的施政演说中，高市早苗渲染“国家间的竞争日益激烈复杂化且常态化”，再度大肆抹黑中国，渲染日本面临“战后最为严峻复杂的安全保障环境”。通过塑造此类“危机”叙事，高市政权持续为推动修宪进程进行铺垫，意图架空战后和平体制，根本改变“专守防卫”基本政策，促动日本激进转向成为“能战”国家.
At the level of military strategy, a commitment is being made to constructing an independent offensive system. In her speech, Sanae Takaichi declared that it is necessary to revise ahead of schedule, within this year, the ‘three security documents’, including the National Security Strategy. The Sanae Takaichi administration is pushing the fiscal year 2026 defense budget to break through 9 trillion yen, setting a new historical record, and achieving ahead of schedule the target of 2% of GDP. Enormous sums of money are being concentrated and invested in multiple offensive combat capability domains including long-range stand-off strike, unmanned combat systems, and sea-air-space platforms; the ambition to build multi-dimensional attack capabilities and raise the speed and scale of military expansion is fully exposed. The Takaichi administration is also pushing to revise the Self-Defense Forces Law, with the intent of restoring current military ranks and the designations of certain arms of service to the old military terminology of the imperialist era. On the question of weapons exports, the LDP’s Security Research Council passed a draft recommendation on February 25, which not only proposes abolishing the previous ‘5-category standard’ that restricted equipment exports to rescue and transport uses, but also in principle permits the export of lethal weapons such as fighter aircraft and frigates, and even leaves room for exports to ‘countries judged to currently be engaged in combat’. 在军事战略层面，致力于构建独立攻势体系。高市早苗在演说中宣称，有必要提前在今年内修订包括《国家安全保障战略》在内的“安保三文件”。高市早苗政权推动2026财年防卫预算突破9万亿日元，再创历史新高，且提前实现占国内生产总值2%的目标。巨额资金被重点投入到远程防区外打击、无人作战体系、海空天平台等多个进攻性战力领域，打造多维攻击能力、提升军事扩张速度和规模的野心暴露无遗。高市政权还推动修订《自卫队法》，意图将现行军衔及部分兵种称谓恢复为帝国主义时期的旧军队用语。在武器出口问题上，自民党安全保障调查会2月25日通过建议草案，不仅提出废除此前将装备品出口限定在救援和运输用途的“5类标准”，更原则上允许出口战机、护卫舰等致命性武器，甚至为向“被判定目前正在发生战斗的国家”出口留下余地.
At the level of economic mobilisation, the construction of a ‘new-type military-industrial complex’ is being accelerated. In her speech, Sanae Takaichi grandly spoke of ‘establishing strong diplomacy and security on the foundation of a strong economy’. Since she came to power, war preparation has been elevated to the position of the nation’s absolute top priority, with vigorous support being given to the military-industrial interest groups; the embryonic form of Japan’s ‘new-type military-industrial complex’ is taking shape. According to reports, the Sanae Takaichi administration plans to fill the military expenditure gap through large-scale debt issuance and the levying of a ‘special defense income tax’, and plans to establish a ‘National Intelligence Agency’ this year. These moves will cause Japan’s defense expenditure to form an even deeper linkage with the interests of specific industries and financial combines, constructing a self-reinforcing, cyclically accelerating closed loop of policy and interests. 在经济动员层面，加速构建“新型军工复合体”。高市早苗在演说中高谈“在强大的经济基础之上，确立强大的外交与安全保障”。高市早苗执政以来，备战被提升至国家绝对优先地位，大力扶持军工利益集团，日本“新型军工复合体”雏形正在显现。据报道，高市早苗政权拟通过大规模发债及征收“防卫特别所得税”来填补军费缺口，并计划于今年成立“国家情报局”。这些动作将促使日本防卫开支与特定产业及财团利益形成更深度的绑定，构建起一个自我强化、循环加速的政策与利益闭环.
At the level of social cognition, historical revisionism is being pushed to greater extremes. Japan’s right wing is continuously reshaping national memory through a ‘brainwashing’ project, by tampering with textbooks, beautifying the history of aggression, and promoting ‘loyalty to the sovereign and patriotism’-style education, carefully constructing a ‘victim’ narrative that is ‘completely severed from the history of aggression’, intended to replace ‘perpetrator reflection’. This approach attempts to completely dissolve anti-war consciousness within Japanese society, instil distorted historical cognition in the younger generation, and thereby lay a socio-psychological foundation for future war mobilisation. 在社会认知层面，变本加厉推行历史修正主义。日本右翼持续以“洗脑”工程重塑国民记忆，通过篡改教科书、美化侵略历史及推行“忠君爱国”式教育，精心构造一套“与侵略历史彻底切割”的“受害者”叙事，意在取代“加害者反省”。这种做法试图彻底消解日本社会的反战意识，向年轻一代灌输扭曲的历史认知，从而为未来的战争动员铺垫社会心理基础.
The final section lists the following threats from Japan’s “neo-militarism:
It seriously threatens the post-war international order
It seriously threatens the nuclear non-proliferation regime. “Recently, high-ranking Japanese government officials have repeatedly made statements advocating for nuclear weapons, openly challenging the nuclear non-proliferation regime. If the Japanese right wing’s nuclear ambitions succeed, it will undoubtedly open Pandora’s box, severely impacting regional and global strategic stability.” 近段时间，日本政府高官不断抛出拥核言论，公然挑衅核不扩散体系。日本右翼的拥核图谋一旦得逞，无疑将打开潘多拉魔盒，对地区与全球战略稳定造成严重冲击.
It is severely undermining regional peace and security.
It is severely damaging the vital interests of the Japanese people.
Finally on the page is a report on China and Vietnam holding their first ever 3+3 dialogue. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, Minister of Public Security Wang Xiaohong and Minister of National Defense Dong Jun chaired the meeting, together with Vietnamese Foreign Minister Le Hoai Trung, Defense Minister Phan Van Giang and Minister of Public Security Luong Tam Quang. Xinhua reports:
“The two sides held in-depth exchanges on developments and changes in the international landscape, safeguarding political security, and advancing defense and law enforcement cooperation, and reached broad consensus.”
“Wang Yi said the ‘3+3’ strategic dialogue on diplomacy, defense and public security between the two countries at the ministerial level represents the first strategic communication platform of its kind globally, established by both sides as a vital initiative to safeguard political system security and deepen strategic coordination. The mechanism is both an inherent requirement for advancing the building of the China-Vietnam community with a shared future and a necessary step for revitalizing the world socialist cause, fully demonstrating the high level and strategic nature of the relations between the two parties and countries, Wang Yi noted. The stability and development of both China and Vietnam will demonstrate to the world the significant advantages of the socialist system, the vigorous vitality of the socialist cause, and the bright prospects for human development and progress, he added. Wang Yi emphasized that as friendly socialist neighbors, China and Vietnam should not only focus on the fundamental well-being of their peoples, coordinate development and security, and firmly follow their own development paths, but also embrace the common interests of all humanity, grasp the correct direction of historical progress, and jointly promote an equal and orderly multi-polar world and a universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalization through the building of the China-Vietnam community with a shared future with strategic significance.”
“Wang Xiaohong noted that the public security ministries of the two countries should prioritize political security and enhance efforts to prevent and resist ‘color revolutions’. He added that the two sides should also focus on improving law enforcement and security cooperation mechanisms in areas such as cybersecurity, combating online gambling and telecom fraud, drug control, and fugitive repatriation and asset recovery. Dong stated that China is willing to work with Vietnam to continuously enhance mutual trust in military security, further expand cooperation areas, improve the quality and effectiveness of cooperation, jointly safeguard maritime security and stability through positive interaction, and push bilateral defense exchanges and cooperation to a new level, setting an example of unity and self-reliance for the armed forces of socialist countries.”