New Xinjiang White Paper - Li Meets Congressional Delegation - Zheng Yongnian on Building China's Independent International Relations Knowledge System

Here are the key reports and articles that I found noteworthy from the People’s Daily’s edition on Monday, September 22, 2025.

In today’s paper, there’s a long article on how Xi Jinping has led the work around Xinjiang. This comes in the context of the State Council Information Office issuing a new white paper on the Party’s governance of Xinjiang. The entire document was published in Sunday’s edition of the newspaper. An English version can be found here. It’s really long, so I am not going to capture everything. Rather, I’ll focus on the core ideas in section three and a little bit around foreign interference and terrorism.

The document begins with this:

“Xinjiang, known as the Western Regions in ancient times, has long been an inseparable part of China and an important gateway of the Chinese civilization to the outside world…Since its birth, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has pursued its mission of working for the wellbeing of the Chinese people and rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, including the people of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang…”

It says that under Xi, the Party has achieved “major milestones in promoting reform and development, ethnic unity, social progress, people's wellbeing, and border security in the region…Historic achievements and transformative change have been witnessed in all undertakings of Xinjiang.”

The first section talks about history. This bit is interesting:

“Upholding national unity. Since ancient times, the Chinese nation has embraced the ideas of ‘shared customs and practices and unified governance across the country’ and ‘great harmony under Heaven’, considering national unification ‘a universal tenet between Heaven and Earth, and a constant creed throughout the past and present’. Through measures including establishing administrative systems, building up military defenses, guiding economic growth, and promoting the code of rites and law, central authorities throughout Chinese history continued to strengthen the concept of great unity. Local regimes in the Western Regions also held a strong sense of being an integral part of China, considering themselves either tributaries or vassals of the imperial dynasty in the Central Plains.”

“The enduring tradition of great unity of the Chinese civilization affirms that unification has always been at the core of China’s core national interests, and that a strong and unified country is fundamental to the future of all ethnic groups.”

“Advancing ethnic integration and religious coexistence. Central authorities throughout China’s history regarded ethnic and religious affairs as a key priority in the governance of Xinjiang. In each historical period, people from diverse ethnic backgrounds migrated to or left the region in large groups. Ethnic groups had grown, developed and integrated with each other despite periods of isolation and conflict, forging a bond thicker than blood and sharing weal and woe together. All of them have made important contributions to exploring, developing, and protecting Xinjiang. The Xinjiang region has always been a place where multiple religions coexist, and central authorities all incorporated the management of religious affairs into the national governance system…The fact that the Chinese civilization has been forged through the convergence of diverse cultures fundamentally determines the historical trajectory of ethnic interaction and integration, as well as the harmonious coexistence of religious beliefs in China. Uniting all ethnic groups with the best of traditional Chinese culture. Central authorities across China's historical periods regarded promoting mainstream values and the best of traditional Chinese culture as an indispensable part of governing Xinjiang. The formation and development of Chinese culture could not have been sustained without the Chinese written language. After the Western Han Dynasty unified the Western Regions, the Chinese language and writing system began to be promoted, and has been in continuous use in Xinjiang ever since.”

Section three of the paper is important. I am going to share detailed excerpts below

“The essence of the CPC’s guidelines for governing Xinjiang in the new era. The CPC’s guidelines for governing Xinjiang in the new era represent a thorough understanding of the situation in Xinjiang and embody a profound reflection on the work related to the region by the CPC Central Committee with Xi Jinping at its core. They comprise a complete system of theories with a sound logic and rich content, and sit at the core of all work related to Xinjiang in the new era. Their main content is as follows:”

The really interesting thing about the points that follow is how low development is on the priority list. The primary focus is around security and assimilation.

• “Viewing and planning the work related to Xinjiang from a strategic perspective. The work related to Xinjiang bears not only on national reunification, ethnic unity, and national security, but also on the initiative to build China into a great country and the goal of national rejuvenation…”

• “Upholding social stability and lasting peace and security as the overall goal of the work related to Xinjiang. This means that all undertakings must be planned and advanced to achieve this goal. We should both channel our resources to address the pressing problems in maintaining social stability and systematically tackle the deep-rooted issues that undermine Xinjiang's lasting peace and security.”

• “Rallying the people’s support is fundamental. Without the people’s support, all efforts are futile. We must put the people first, have faith in the people of all ethnic groups, rely on them, and be of service to them. We should provide them with guidance, and let them understand the importance of stability and peace, that a happy life stems from the Party’s good policies and the hard work of all ethnic groups united as one, and that the development of Xinjiang cannot be achieved without the support from the whole Party and the whole country.”

• “Fostering a stronger sense of the Chinese nation as one community. This is fundamental to the work related to Xinjiang in the long run. We must focus on fostering a stronger sense of national identity, fully implement the Party's policies concerning ethnic affairs, and heighten public awareness of ethnic unity and progress. We must move faster to build an ethnically integrated society and neighborhoods and encourage more exchanges, interactions and integration among different ethnic groups, so that they remain as closely united as the seeds of a pomegranate.”

• “Ensuring that religions in China conform to China’s realities. This concerns the overall work related to Xinjiang. We must fully implement the Party’s basic policy on religious affairs, protect lawful practices, proscribe illegal activities, contain extremism, resist infiltration, and punish crime. We must guide religious believers to foster a keen sense of national identity, citizenship, and law-based governance, and provide active guidance to religions so that they can adapt to socialist society.”

• “Fostering and carrying forward the core socialist values. We must uphold the guiding role of advanced socialist culture and strengthen the cultural identity and bonds of people in Xinjiang. We must guide the people and inspire them to identify more closely with our motherland, the Chinese nation, the Chinese culture, the CPC, and socialism with Chinese characteristics.”

• “Promoting high-quality development centered on the people’s wellbeing. Xinjiang's development should manifest in the people's wellbeing, betterment of local economy and society, and greater ethnic unity. We must uphold the people-centered development philosophy, and advance economic and social development while improving people's wellbeing so that the people of all ethnic groups live and work in peace and contentment, thereby enabling them to enjoy a stronger sense of gain, fulfillment and security.”

• “Strengthening the Party’s leadership over the work related to Xinjiang. To improve the work related to Xinjiang, we must uphold and strengthen the Party's overall leadership, cultivate a contingent of officials with strong political commitment, professional competence, and exemplary conduct, and ensure the smooth execution of the Central Committee's policies and decisions. We must regard building solid foundations at the grassroots level as the fundamental measure to ensure stability and security in Xinjiang, and strengthen grassroots Party organizations to serve the people, maintain stability, and oppose division.”

“The principles and requirements of the CPC's guidelines for governing Xinjiang in the new era. The CPC's guidelines for governing Xinjiang in the new era are the foundation for the work related to Xinjiang. We must have a thorough understanding of governing Xinjiang in accordance with the law, maintaining stability through ethnic unity, strengthening cultural identity and bonds, bringing greater prosperity to the region and its people, and developing Xinjiang from a long-term perspective, and advance these undertakings in a coordinated manner.”

• “To govern the region in accordance with the law, we should uphold Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law, advance law-based governance, promote its concept across society, adhere to its principles, and implement its requirements in all sectors of the work related to Xinjiang. We should employ law-based thinking and approaches to forestall risks, combat crimes, handle problems, and address disputes, and strengthen law-based and persistent efforts in combating terrorism and maintaining stability, thereby ensuring that all the work related to Xinjiang is carried out under the rule of law.”

• “To maintain stability through ethnic unity, the fundamental issue is to rally people’s support. We should regard ethnic unity as the lifeline of the people of all ethnic groups, safeguard the unity of the Chinese nation, and continue to foster a stronger sense of the Chinese nation as one community. We should make systematic efforts to ensure that religions in China conform to China's realities, to unite the people of all ethnic groups closer around the Party, and to forge tremendous momentum to build a beautiful Xinjiang.”

• “To strengthen cultural identity and bonds, we should see that people in Xinjiang identify with the Chinese culture. Upholding the core socialist values, we should develop advanced socialist culture, promote revolutionary culture, carry forward the best of traditional Chinese culture, and build a spiritual home shared by all the Chinese people. We should provide education and guidance to the people of all ethnic groups to strengthen their sense of Chinese national identity, and reinforce their political commitment and win their support, thus consolidating the ideological foundations for social stability and lasting peace and security.”

• “To bring greater prosperity to Xinjiang and its people, we should fully and faithfully apply the new development philosophy on all fronts in line with the strategic positioning of Xinjiang in building a great modern socialist country. Giving full play to Xinjiang’s advantages in geographic location, resources, and policies, we should actively support Xinjiang in serving and integrating with the new development dynamic and promoting high-quality opening up. We should advance high-quality development centered on the people’s wellbeing, and ensure that the benefits of development improve the people’s wellbeing and win their support.”

• “To develop Xinjiang from a long-term perspective, we should uphold and strengthen the Party's overall leadership and advance the great new project of strengthening the Party in the new era. We should foster highly competent officials based on the criteria for assessing the caliber of officials in the new era, maintain our strategic resolve, and make meticulous plans before taking any actions. We should pursue progress while ensuring stability, devote continued and long-term sustained efforts in our work, and address deep-rooted problems, to lay solid foundations for achieving the overall goal of the work related to Xinjiang.”

“The CPC’s guidelines for governing Xinjiang in the new era represent both innovations and breakthroughs in theory, and concrete plans and requirements for their implementation. Embodying Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, they encapsulate and build on the past successes of the CPC who lead the Chinese people in governing, stabilizing and developing Xinjiang. They have opened a wide avenue leading to steady and sustained progress in the work related to Xinjiang, marking a new height of the CPC's understanding of the underlying principles in border governance. They are a milestone in the Party’s work related to Xinjiang and in the development of the region.”

Section four of the paper deals with security issues. It says that “a historic transformation from chaos to stability and from stability to governance has been achieved in the region.” On terrorism, the paper says:

Xinjiang “has established a system for fighting terrorism and maintaining stability in a law-based and regular manner, and a comprehensive prevention and control system for social security, shifting the focus from the very end to the source and evolving from emergency response to a standardized, refined, and regular approach. Policies and measures have been improved to guard against the few terrorists without interrupting the normal order of work, study, and daily life of the majority of people, effecting a fundamental change more conducive to ensuring peace and stability. Since the start of the new era, counterterrorism and stability-maintaining efforts have achieved significant outcomes, bringing an end to the frequent violent and terrorist attacks seen in the past.”

On “foreign interference”, it says:

“Targeted countermeasures against foreign sanctions and interference. In recent years, a number of Western countries, led by the United States, have imposed sanctions on businesses and individuals related to Xinjiang on the account of ‘genocide’ and ‘forced labor’ — lies and absurd fallacies they have concocted to interfere in China's internal affairs. Their purpose is political manipulation and economic bullying under the guise of human rights protection. Countering sanctions and interference is essential for breaking the containment of China by the anti-China forces in the US and some Western countries, which use Xinjiang as a handle. It is a just response for safeguarding our national sovereignty, security, and development interests. China has promulgated relevant laws, regulations, and departmental rules, such as the Foreign Relations Law, the Anti-Foreign Sanctions Law, the Provisions on the Application of the Anti-Foreign Sanctions Law, and the Provisions on the Unreliable Entity List, taking countermeasures against the unjustified sanctions involving Xinjiang imposed by a mere handful of countries. The Standing Committee of the People's Congress of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region has adopted a resolution opposing a series of US sanctions on Xinjiang and supporting the development of sanctioned enterprises and related industries, fighting back against unilateral sanctions by the US. In addition, the government has provided a range of services for sanctioned businesses, supported them in safeguarding their legitimate rights and interests in accordance with the law, given a boost to relevant industries, and created new employment opportunities for people affected by the sanctions.”

Anyway, back to the paper, there’s a report on Li Qiang meeting with the delegation from the US House of Representatives.

“Li Qiang said that both China and the US are major countries with significant global influence, maintaining stable, sound, and sustainable development of bilateral relations serves the common interests of both sides and meets the expectations of the international community. Since the beginning of this year, President Xi Jinping and President Trump have held several phone calls, agreeing that China and the US should enhance dialogue and cooperation, providing strategic guidance for the development of bilateral ties in the next stage. China is willing to work with the US to achieve mutual respect, peaceful coexistence and win-win cooperation, and hopes the US will work with China in the same direction to advance the bilateral relationship along the correct track, benefiting both countries and the world at large. Li Qiang pointed out that China and the US should be partners for joint development, treating each other sincerely, empowering each other, and achieving mutual success. The Chinese side is willing to work with the US side in the spirit of equality, respect, and mutual benefit, to resolve respective concerns through communication. It is hoped that the US Congress will view China and China-US relations correctly, actively promote exchanges and cooperation between the two countries, and play a constructive role in the friendship and common development of both countries.” 李强表示，中美都是世界上有重要影响力的大国，中美关系保持稳定、健康、可持续发展，符合两国共同利益和国际社会期待。今年以来，习近平主席同特朗普总统数次通话，一致认为中美应当加强对话与合作，为下阶段中美关系发展作出战略指引。中方愿同美方相互尊重、和平共处、合作共赢。希望美方与中方相向而行，共同推动双边关系沿着正确轨道向前发展，既造福两国，也惠及世界。李强指出，中美应当做携手发展的伙伴，真诚相待、相互赋能、彼此成就。中方愿同美方本着平等、尊重、互惠的精神，通过沟通解决各自关切。希望美国国会正确看待中国和中美关系，积极促进两国交流合作，为两国友好和共同发展发挥建设性作用.

While on the issue of China-US ties, Friday’s call between Trump and Xi hasn’t really led to any clarity on the whole TikTok deal. This is what the Chinese readout had said:

“The conversation was pragmatic, positive and constructive. President Xi pointed out that China and the United States were allies who fought shoulder to shoulder during WWII. Recently, China solemnly commemorated the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War, and invited the families of American Flying Tigers to watch the parade on the Tian’anmen Rostrum. The Chinese people will not forget the valuable support from the U.S. and other anti-fascist Allied nations for China’s War of Resistance. Honoring fallen heroes and remembering history is essential for cherishing peace and creating a better future. President Xi stressed the vital importance of China-U.S. relations. China and the United States are fully capable of helping each other succeed and prospering together for the good of the two countries and the whole world. For that vision to materialize, both sides need to work hard and in the same direction, so as to realize mutual respect, peaceful coexistence and win-win cooperation. The recent consultation between Chinese and U.S. officials reflected the spirit of equality, respect and mutual benefit. They can continue to properly handle the outstanding issues in bilateral relations and strive for win-win outcomes. The U.S. side should refrain from imposing unilateral trade restrictions so as not to disrupt the outcomes of multiple rounds of consultation between the two sides.”

“China’s position on the TikTok issue is clear: The Chinese government respects the wishes of the company in question, and would be happy to see productive commercial negotiations in keeping with market rules lead to a solution that complies with China’s laws and regulations and takes into account the interests of both sides. The U.S. side needs to provide an open, fair and non-discriminatory environment for Chinese investors.”

Subsequently, the Ministry of Commerce’s spokesperson talked about respecting “the will of enterprises.”

“The ministry highlighted that the country welcomes companies to conduct business negotiations in line with market rules to reach solutions that comply with Chinese laws and regulations and balance interests of all parties. The ministry stated that China hopes the United States will move in the same direction and fully honor its commitments, provide an open, fair, just and non-discriminatory business environment for Chinese companies, including TikTok, to continue operating in the United States, and promote stable, healthy and sustainable development of China-U.S. economic and trade relations.”

The White House, meanwhile, is saying that the TikTok’s U.S. operations will see the constitution of a new entity with ByteDance choosing one of seven board members, while Americans hold the six other seats. Reuters’ report adds:

The agreement “will require that all data on American users will be stored on U.S. cloud computing infrastructure run by U.S. software firm Oracle. The official also said the TikTok algorithm ‘will be secured, retrained and operated in the United States outside of ByteDance's control’. ‘TikTok's content-recommendation algorithm will be retrained from the ground up - reviewed and analyzed under U.S. supervision with U.S. data that will not be shared outside of the United States,’ the official said.”

Let’s finally turn to Page 9, where we have a long interview with Professor Zheng Yongnian, who is the Dean, School of Public Policy, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shenzhen and President, The Institute for International Affairs, Qianhai. Zheng talks about cultivating China’s “independent International Relations knowledge system.”

My note: This is an excellent read. I don’t agree with everything that he is saying. There is a fair bit of moralising that’s going on. But there’s also a lot to chew on. His argument that IR theorising emerges as a product of the practicalities of geopolitics that the actors who are theorising encounter is useful but a limited explanation of why states behave the way they do and why orders emerge. Zheng’s interpretation of the tributary system is extremely noteworthy. He offers a logic of applying this to China’s modern-day engagements. Zheng also seems to indicate that China’s national security paradigm has changed tremendously and requires deeper global engagement. At the same time, there is a great deal of anxiety and caution when it comes to China becoming caught up as a security actor in regional frictions. This is important. Finally, his conceptualisation of major powers is far broader than the official one. It is noteworthy that he includes India in that list.

Here’s a breakdown of the interview. Zheng begins by saying that:

“From a historical and contemporary perspective, there exists a long and rich practical experience that can form the basis of constructing China’s own independent IR knowledge system. China has thousands of years of uninterrupted civilisational history and abundant diplomatic practice; China has endured the painful experience of imperialist aggression in modern times; and it has also achieved success in various fields since the founding of New China, especially in the new era. If we can conceptualise, theorise, and systematise these practical experiences, we can not only generate diverse theories of IR and diplomacy, but also develop theoretical tools that can truly explain and predict international relations and diplomatic practice. This independent IR knowledge system can inject strong momentum into the international academic community.” 从历史与现实看，建构中国自主的国际关系知识体系拥有悠久和丰厚的实践经验。中国拥有数千年不中断的文明史及丰富的外交实践，有近代以来被帝国主义侵略的惨痛经历，有新中国成立以来特别是新时代以来各个领域的成功经验。如果我们能够把这些实践经验概念化理论化体系化，不仅可以产生各种不同的国际关系和外交理论，而且可以形成真正能够解释和预测国际关系和外交实践的理论工具，用中国自主的国际关系知识体系，为国际学术界注入强劲的发展动力.

The next question deals with the challenges that scholars face in this process. Zheng says:

First, in terms of thinking patterns, there are still scholars who consciously or unconsciously mechanically apply Western thinking patterns or Western theories to interpret Chinese practice, without fully considering how Chinese practice emerged and developed. Since the reform and opening up, Chinese academia has cultivated a considerable team of international relations researchers and produced increasingly mature theoretical outcomes. Several Western international relations theories, including (neo)liberalism, (neo)realism, and constructivism, once prevailed in Chinese academia. In recent years, with the growing awareness of independent thought among Chinese scholars, this phenomenon has significantly improved. 首先是在思维方式上，仍有学者有意无意地生搬硬套西方思维方式或者西方理论解读中国实践，而没有充分考虑中国实践是如何产生和发展的。改革开放以来，中国学术界已经培养了规模可观的国际关系研究队伍，也产出了越来越成熟的理论成果。曾经，西方几种国际关系理论，包括（新）自由主义、（新）现实主义、建构主义等一度在国内学术界盛行。近些年来，随着我国学者自主意识增强，这种现象有了很大改观.

General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out: ‘Whether our philosophy and social sciences have Chinese characteristics ultimately depends on whether they have subjectivity and originality.’ Since the new era, many Chinese scholars have realised that they cannot simply copy Western theories to interpret and summarise China’s international relations experience, but must instead conduct independent innovation based on China’s historical traditions. Just as Western scholars often seek inspiration from the ‘international relations’ between ancient Greek city-states, some Chinese scholars have sought inspiration from ancient Chinese history, particularly the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period. From that period until modern times, China has accumulated rich experience in managing interstate relations. While summarising China’s experience is important, the process is not easy, and at least two major issues need to be addressed. 习近平总书记指出：“我们的哲学社会科学有没有中国特色，归根到底要看有没有主体性、原创性。”新时代以来，我国广大学者意识到，不能照搬西方理论来阐释和总结中国的国际关系经验，而要从中国的历史传统出发进行自主创新。正如西方学者往往从古希腊城邦国家之间的“国际关系”来寻找思想源泉一样，国内一些学者也试图从中国古代尤其是春秋战国时期的历史来寻找灵感。从那时到近代，中国拥有丰富的处理国家间关系的经验。总结中国的经验很重要，但过程并不容易，至少有两个重大问题需要解决.

First, when summarising China’s historical experience, we must avoid analysing it with a Western mindset. Some ancient Chinese historical experiences have been used by some as examples to validate Western concepts and theories, seemingly demonstrating academic innovation, but in reality, they are rather examples of ‘Western concepts, Chinese materials,’ or ‘Western propositions, Chinese cases.’ While such research superficially places China as the main subject, it fails to produce original concepts and theories grounded in Chinese experience. Second, international relations are a dynamic and ever-changing reality, and the environments faced by modern China differ significantly from those faced by ancient China. While ancient Chinese knowledge and experience can be drawn upon, it rarely helps us build a comprehensive body of knowledge that can fully explain modern international relations. Western scholars borrow from the historical experience of ancient Greek city-states’ mutual interactions and wars mainly to explore the essence of international relations, so they borrow some concepts useful to them such as hegemony, power, and alliances.” 其一，在总结中国的历史经验时，需要避免以西方的思维方式来分析中国经验。中国古代的一些历史经验，被有些人拿来当作验证西方概念和理论的案例，看似有学术创新，实际上是“西方概念、中国材料”“西方命题、中国案例”。这样的研究表面上中国是主体，但无法形成以中国经验为基础的原创性概念和理论。其二，国际关系是现实的、变化的，现代中国和古代中国所面临的环境差异很大。中国古代的知识经验可以借鉴，但很难帮助我们建立能够完全解释现代国际关系的知识体系。西方学者借鉴古希腊城邦国家相互交往与战争的历史经验，主要是为了探讨国际关系的本质，因此他们借用的是霸权、权力、联盟等对其有用的一些概念.

The next question is about the significance of having an independent IR theoretical framework. Zheng says that:

“Constructing China’s independent IR knowledge system is greatly significant from two perspectives at the least. On the one hand, it can be used to explain China’s international relations and diplomatic practice. In areas such as peripheral diplomacy, major-country diplomacy, regional integration, and economic globalization, China has accumulated extremely rich international relations and diplomatic practical experience, which needs to be comprehensively summarised and elevated into a theoretical system. On the other hand, it can provide methods for the world to understand China’s international relations practice and foreign policy. A few Western countries do not clearly understand China’s concepts of international relations and diplomacy, and even deliberately distort and mislead. This makes it all the more important for us to provide the world with correct methods for knowing China. If we cannot provide the world with concepts and theories that can explain China’s international relations and diplomatic practice, then the world will find it difficult to accurately understand China.” 建构中国自主的国际关系知识体系，至少具有两方面的重要意义。一方面，可以用来解释中国的国际关系和外交实践。在周边外交、大国外交、区域一体化、经济全球化等领域，中国积累了极其丰富的国际关系和外交实践经验，需要全面总结和提升凝练为理论体系。另一方面，可以为世界理解中国的国际关系实践和外交政策提供方法。少数西方国家对中国的国际关系和外交理念认识不清，甚至故意歪曲误导，这就更需要我们向世界提供认识中国的正确方法。如果我们不能向世界提供能够解释中国国际关系和外交实践的概念和理论，世界就难以准确理解中国.

The next question is about how geopolitics impacts the process of IR theory development. This is really fascinating stuff. Zheng argues that “the origins of modern international relations can be traced back to Europe. European geopolitics has profoundly influenced both European international relations practices and international relations theory.” He makes three points here:

1. On the emergence of the concept of sovereign equality of states: “Why speak of equality? Mainly because modern Europe did not produce a superpower, the main countries had comparable strength, and no country could completely dominate another country. Precisely because of this de facto relative equality, European countries, when handling relations, would then emphasize equality, and this kind of equality was manifested through international law.” 为什么讲平等？主要是近代欧洲没有产生一个超级大国，主要国家间力量相当，没有一个国家可以完全主宰另外一个国家。正因为事实上的比较平等，欧洲国家在处理关系时才会强调平等，而这种平等又通过国际法体现出来.

2. Alliance politics: “Another key characteristic of European international relations is alliance politics and the balance of power among nations. Establishing the principle of sovereign equality among nations does not mean that they will not face the ‘security dilemma amid anarchy’ inherent in international relations: the emergence of sovereign states pursuing self-interest that pose a threat to one another. Therefore, alliances between nations have become a crucial strategy, used to prevent threats from one country or its allies. Two evenly matched blocs can result in mutual restraint.　欧洲国际关系的另一个重要特点，是国家间的联盟政治和权力平衡。确立国家间的主权平等原则，并不是说它们不会面临国际关系现实中存在的“无政府状态下的安全困境”，即出现追求私利的主权国家，会对另一个国家构成威胁。所以，国家间的结盟成为重要策略，通过结盟来防止另一个国家或者另一个国家同盟的威胁。两个旗鼓相当的国家集团，才能构成相互制约.

3. “The third characteristic of European international relations is maritime expansion strategy, which is closely related to geopolitics. Many European countries are coastal countries, familiar with the ocean, but their internal resources are very limited, which prompted these countries to pursue maritime development strategies. 　欧洲国际关系的第三个特点，是海洋扩张战略，这与地缘政治密切相关。很多欧洲国家是沿海国家，熟悉海洋，但内部资源又非常有限，这促成了这些国家走海洋发展战略。

The question that follows this is about American IR and its links to geopolitics. Zheng argues that despite conceptual similarities between American and European IR, there are significant practical differences between the two. He adds:

“The US’ ability to become and maintain hegemony is also closely related to the geopolitical context in which it operates. For the most part, there has been a lack of direct and intense geopolitical competition between the US and Europe and European countries. This factor was crucial in determining the US’ position as the leader of Western nations after World War II. It is difficult to imagine that European countries would accept American leadership if the US were located in Europe. The relative strength of European countries makes it difficult for any one country to establish absolute hegemony. Among all major powers, the US’ geopolitical environment is relatively simple, with two major land neighbours: Canada and Mexico. The United States has successfully established the North American Free Trade Area, which is centered on itself and has consolidated its position.” 美国成为霸权国家和维持霸权的能力，也与其所处的地缘政治密切相关。在多数情况下，美国与欧洲以及欧洲国家之间缺少直接的、激烈的地缘政治竞争。这个因素很重要，决定了第二次世界大战后，美国能够成为西方国家的领头者。很难想象，如果美国位于欧洲，欧洲国家还会接受美国的领导。欧洲各国之间力量旗鼓相当，很难有一个国家建立绝对的霸权。在所有大国中，美国地缘政治环境相对简单，有两个主要陆地邻国：加拿大和墨西哥。美国成功地建立起以自身为中心，并且能巩固其地位的北美自由贸易区.

So what else does the US use to maintain hegemony? Zheng says:

• First, market economics: “The market not only integrates the relationship between the US and its allies, but also reduces the cost of maintaining these relationships. Using economic means to maintain alliances appears more ‘soft’ than using political and military means, making it more acceptable to other countries.”

• The second means is ‘taxing’ other countries. Its relatively easy geopolitical environment has inherently enabled the US to expand its international influence. Factors such as having the capability to influence international economic and trade systems, the US dollar being an international currency, and being itself a major consumer country, enable the United States to possess the capability to ‘tax’ its allies and even other countries, able to force other countries to bear and share the costs of maintaining America’s hegemonic position.

第一个是市场经济手段。市场不仅整合了美国及其盟友的关系，更减少了维持盟友关系的成本。用经济手段来维持同盟，要比用政治和军事手段显得“软”性，更容易为其他国家所接受。第二个手段是向其他国家“征税”。相对简单的地缘政治环境，本来就使得美国有能力拓展其国际影响力，具有影响国际经济贸易体制的能力、美元是国际货币、自身是消费大国等因素，使得美国具备向其盟友甚至他国“征税”的能力，能够迫使其他国家承担和分摊维持美国霸权地位的成本.

Western international relations theories reflect the above facts and are arguments for America’s international status and behavioural patterns. Whether it is (neo)realism, (neo)liberalism, or various variants within these theories, such as hegemonic stability theory, or the democratic peace theory, they are all direct reflections of and defenses for American international relations practice, and are not general laws of international relations. Actually, since modern times, many countries have constructed regional orders or international orders with themselves as the center. Objectively speaking, constructing regional orders or international orders based on a country’s actual conditions is also a relatively realistic strategic choice. But here we need to point out two cognitive errors that easily appear: first is believing that one’s own country is civilised while other countries are all barbarous; second is when formulating and implementing foreign policies, not considering the interests of other countries, manifested as putting one’s own country first, especially extremely selfish diplomatic behaviour. If these two cognitive errors are vigorously promoted and transformed into practice, they violate the basic principles of international relations.” 西方国际关系理论反映的是上述事实，是对美国的国际地位和行为方式的论证。无论是（新）现实主义、（新）自由主义，还是这些理论内部的各种变种，如霸权稳定论、民主和平论等，都是对美国国际关系实践的直接反映和辩护，并不是国际关系的一般规律。实际上，近代以来，不少国家都以自己为中心构建区域秩序或者国际秩序。客观地说，从国家实际条件出发构建区域秩序或者国际秩序，也是比较现实的策略选择。但这里需要指出两个容易出现的认知错误：一是认为自己国家是文明的，而其他国家都是野蛮的；二是在制定和推行外交政策时，不考虑其他国家的利益，表现为本国优先，尤其是极端自私的外交行为。如果这两种认知错误大肆推行、转化为实践，是违背国际关系基本准则的.

The final question in this section is about how geopolitics has influenced Chinese diplomacy. Zheng makes three points, highlighting that it was border issues that historically motivated Chinese diplomacy.

• First, “China did not develop an expansionist diplomatic strategy like the West.” The example he cites here is the Great Wall, which was indicative of a peace through defense strategy.

• Second, emphasis on internal unity and land-based orientation. He argues that although ancient China had maritime capabilities, its policy choices were focussed on land-based territorial security because of geopolitics. “China has so many neighbouring countries, and precisely because it is surrounded by numerous countries, in order to handle frontier issues, peripheral diplomacy became the focus of China’s international relations. Handling frontier issues has always been the main direction of traditional Chinese diplomacy.” 中国周边有那么多国家，正是因为被众多国家所包围，为了处理边疆问题，周边外交成为中国国际关系的重点。处理边疆问题始终是中国传统外交的主要方向.

• “Third, the tributary system, characterised by openness. In recent years, there has been extensive academic research on the tributary system. Some scholars believe that the tributary system shows that ancient China only wanted superficial submission from other countries and did not develop its own external strength. This is a misunderstanding or misinterpretation influenced by Western international relations theory. Actually, ancient China emphasised the concept of ‘tribute tax’ (“贡赋” i.e., offering and gifts, taxes and economic exchanges), not ‘tributary’ (“朝贡” obeisance to the court or political submission to the court). ‘Tributary’ is a term imposed on China by Western scholars. Viewed from a modern perspective, the ‘tribute’ system is more like today’s ‘unilateral opening’ 单边开放 (opening to the outside world on one’s own initiative). Foreign envoys presenting gifts to the Chinese court could receive even more valuable gifts from the Chinese emperor and often the right to trade in China. It is important to emphasise that the formation of the tributary system was also related to geopolitics and was an institutional design by ancient China to stabilise the peripheral environment. 三是具有开放色彩的朝贡制度。近些年，学界对朝贡制度的研究比较多。有学者认为朝贡体系表明古代中国只想要其他国家表面上的服从，没有向外发展自身的实力。这是在西方国际关系理论影响下的一种误解或曲解。实际上，古代中国强调的是“贡赋”概念，而非“朝贡”。“朝贡”是西方学者强加给中国的说法。如果用现代的概念看，“贡赋”体系更像现在的“单边开放”。外国使者向中国朝廷献上礼品之后，可以从中国皇帝那里获得价值更大的礼物，并且往往获得在中国经商的权利。需要强调的是，朝贡制度的形成也与地缘政治有关，是古代中国为了稳定周边环境的制度设计.

“Regardless of how one evaluates China’s traditional diplomacy, this diplomacy was maintained for thousands of years. Ancient China’s frontier governance as well as peripheral and regional diplomacy was quite successful. A simple fact is that various other empires all underwent complex evolution and even disintegration, while China has generally maintained its traditional territory throughout. How was this achieved? Many people emphasise cultural factors. Culture is certainly important, but how do cultural factors work? China’s ability to create a culture with strong cohesive force in the long historical process is itself related to geopolitics. Throughout world history, many empires only focused on outward expansion while neglecting internal cultural construction, therefore lacking internal cohesion. 不管人们对中国传统外交如何评价，这种外交维持了数千年。古代中国的边疆治理以及周边和区域外交，是相当成功的。一个简单的事实是，其他各种形式的帝国都发生复杂的演变甚至解体，而中国一直大体上保留了传统疆域。这是如何做到的呢？很多人强调文化因素。文化固然重要，但文化因素又是怎样起作用的？中国能够在漫长历史进程中造就具有强大凝聚力的文化，这一事实本身就和地缘政治相关。在世界历史上，很多帝国只顾向外扩张，而忽视了内部的文化建设，因此缺少内聚力.

The final section of the interview deals with China. It begins with the question: “how should we grasp China’s new position in international relations?”

As contemporary geopolitical conditions change, international relations have become more complex. In line with China’s status as a major power, Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy has proposed a series of new concepts, ideas, and strategies for handling international relations. Among these, developing global partnerships has become a key innovation in China’s diplomatic theory and practice in the new era. Standing at the vantage point of human history, General Secretary Xi Jinping, with a profound insight into the future and destiny of humanity and the general trend of the times, has proposed the concept of building a community with a shared future for mankind. This concept charts the course and provides fundamental guidance for promoting global cooperation and building a new type of international relations. China adheres to the global governance concept of extensive consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits, and has creatively proposed high-quality joint construction of the Belt and Road Initiative, reflecting China’s role as a responsible major power. 随着当代地缘政治条件改变，国际关系也变得更为复杂。与中国大国地位相适应，习近平外交思想提出一系列处理国际关系的新理念新思想新战略。其中，发展全球伙伴关系，成为新时代中国外交理论和实践的重要创新。习近平总书记站在人类历史发展进程的高度，深刻洞察人类前途命运和时代发展大势，提出构建人类命运共同体理念，为推动全球合作、构建新型国际关系指明了前进方向、提供了根本遵循。中国坚持共商共建共享的全球治理观，并创造性提出高质量共建“一带一路”，反映了中国作为负责任大国的角色定位.

In practice, China and ASEAN are each other’s largest trading partners and have fully completed negotiations on upgrading the FTA 3.0; since its establishment in 2001, the SCO has continued to grow and develop, becoming the world’s largest regional organisation with 26 participating countries, cooperation in over 50 areas, and an economic output approaching $30 trillion—its international influence and appeal are growing; China is strengthening the alignment of its development strategies and deepening the high-quality joint construction of BRI; and the AIIB, the Asian Development Bank, and the BRICS New Development Bank are playing an increasingly important role in global financing governance. These practices demonstrate that China’s advocacy of true multilateralism, equal and orderly world multipolarisation, inclusive economic globalisation, and exchanges and mutual learning among civilisations have yielded fruitful results, significantly enhancing China’s international influence, appeal, and shaping power.” 在实践层面，中国和东盟互为最大贸易伙伴，双方已全面完成自贸区3.0版升级谈判；上海合作组织自2001年成立以来不断发展壮大，已经成长为26国参与、在50多个领域开展合作、经济总量接近30万亿美元的世界最大区域组织，国际影响力和感召力日益增强；加强发展战略对接，深入推进高质量共建“一带一路”；亚洲基础设施投资银行、亚洲开发银行和金砖国家新开发银行在全球融资治理中发挥着日益重要的作用；等等。这些实践表明，中国所倡导的真正的多边主义、平等有序的世界多极化、普惠包容的经济全球化、文明交流互鉴等主张都取得了丰硕成果，中国的国际影响力、感召力、塑造力显著提升.

Next question: What are the distinctive features of China’s diplomacy in the new era?

Zheng responds that “China’s diplomacy in the new era has significantly enhanced its strategic autonomy and initiative, exhibiting the following characteristics. 新时代中国外交的战略自主性和主动性显著增强，表现出以下特色.

• First, major power diplomacy. President Xi Jinping has pointed out: ‘Relations between major powers are crucial to global strategic stability, and major powers shoulder special responsibilities.' China is committed to promoting coordination and cooperation among major powers and hopes that major powers can coexist harmoniously, without conflict or confrontation, with mutual respect and win-win cooperation.’ Major power diplomacy has become an important component of China’s foreign relations and is the key component of China’s development of relations with major powers. Major power diplomacy is important because it influences the structure of the international order. To fulfil its responsibility to promote reform in global governance, China must participate in major power diplomacy and become a key player. Today, China frequently interacts with all major powers, including Russia, the United States, France, and India, not only to safeguard its own interests but also to establish a more just and reasonable international order. 一是大国外交。习近平主席指出：“大国关系事关全球战略稳定，大国肩上都承担着特殊责任。中国致力于推进大国协调合作，期待大国和睦相处，不冲突不对抗、相互尊重、合作共赢。”大国外交成为中国对外交往的重要组成部分，是中国发展同主要大国的关系。大国外交很重要，因为它影响国际秩序的构架。中国要履行推动全球治理变革的责任，就必须参与大国外交并且成为重要一员。今天，中国同包括俄罗斯、美国、法国、印度等在内的所有大国都频繁交往互动，不仅是为了维护自身的利益，也是为了建立更加公正合理的国际秩序. (Note: Very interesting that Zheng’s definition of major country/power includes India. This has generally not been part of China’s official classification of major power.)

• Second, development diplomacy. President Xi Jinping has pointed out: ‘Countries that are ahead should sincerely help other countries develop. Extinguishing others’ lamps will not make oneself brighter; blocking others’ paths will not make oneself go farther’. China’s diplomacy exhibits the distinct characteristics of development diplomacy. Development diplomacy primarily refers to diplomacy with developing countries, often referred to as the Global South. Since modern times, many developing countries became colonies of Western countries. Western countries, in their modernisation process, plundered developing countries’ resources, treating developing countries as sources of raw materials and markets for dumping goods, making it difficult for developing countries to develop themselves. What’s worse is that after some Western countries developed, they pulled away the ladder they had climbed, obstructing developing countries from gaining equal development rights. As the world’s largest developing country, China upholds the principles of unity, cooperation, and common development. While developing itself, it also brings more new development opportunities to a wide range of developing countries, helping them achieve development. We deeply understand that if some countries develop while others do not, the world economy will be unbalanced, and the international community will find it difficult to achieve sustainable development goals. Therefore, China has proposed high-quality joint construction of BRI, advocating that while China does well, others also do well, emphasising the idea that when many people gather firewood, the flames burn higher, mutual help allows one to go further, seeking common development, win-win cooperation, and promoting the economic development of partner countries and improvement of people’s living standards. 二是发展外交。习近平主席指出：“走在前面的国家应该真心帮助其他国家发展。吹灭别人的灯，并不会让自己更加光明；阻挡别人的路，也不会让自己行得更远。”中国外交表现出发展外交的鲜明特色。发展外交主要是指与广大发展中国家，也就是我们常说的全球南方国家的外交。近代以来，许多发展中国家沦为西方国家的殖民地。西方国家在现代化过程中，掠夺发展中国家资源，把发展中国家当作原料产地和倾销商品的市场，造成发展中国家难以发展自身。更为严峻的是，个别西方国家发展起来之后，就把自己爬上来的梯子抽掉，阻碍发展中国家获得平等发展权利。作为世界最大发展中国家，中国秉持团结合作、共同发展的理念，在发展自身的同时，也为广大发展中国家带来更多发展新机遇，助力发展中国家实现发展。我们深刻认识到，如果一些国家发展，而另一些国家不发展，那么世界经济是不平衡的，国际社会就难以实现可持续发展目标。因此，中国提出高质量共建“一带一路”，主张自己过得好，也让别人过得好，注重众人拾柴火焰高、互帮互助走得远，谋求共同发展、合作共赢，促进共建国家经济发展和人民生活水平提高.

• Third, open diplomacy. Openness has become a distinctive feature of contemporary China’s international relations and diplomatic practice. This open diplomacy manifests itself primarily at three levels. The first is true multilateralism. The multilateralism advocated by some countries is essentially exclusive, forming cliques specifically targeting third countries. The true multilateralism practiced by China is open and inclusive, not targeting any other country but committed to resolving common global issues. The second is institutional openness. Rules and standards are the institutional conditions for the functioning of the international order. China’s economy has achieved high-quality development and is increasingly integrating into the tide of world economic development, taking solid steps in aligning rules and in institutionalised opening-up. China actively participates in the formulation of international rules and practices the global governance concept of extensive consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits. The third is being a responsible major power. China has granted zero-tariff treatment to 100% of tariff lines of products from all least-developed countries with which it has established diplomatic ties, continuously promoting global development with ever-higher levels of openness. Indeed, at every level, China’s open-door policy has become an effective way for it to provide international public goods to the world. 三是开放外交。开放已成为当代中国国际关系和外交实践的鲜明特点。开放外交主要表现在三个层面。第一个层面是真正的多边主义。某些国家宣扬的多边主义本质是排他性的、专门针对第三国的“团团伙伙”，中国践行的真正的多边主义是开放包容的，不针对其他任何国家，而是致力于解决全球面临的共同问题。第二个层面是制度型开放。规则和标准，都是国际秩序运行的制度条件。中国经济实现高质量发展，日益融入世界经济发展大潮，在规则对接和制度型开放方面迈出坚实步伐。中国积极参与国际规则制定，践行共商共建共享的全球治理观。第三个层面是负责任的大国。中国给予所有同中国建交的最不发达国家100%税目产品零关税待遇，不断以更高水平的开放推动世界发展。实际上，无论在哪个层面，中国的开放政策已经成为中国向世界提供国际公共产品的有效途径.

The final question focuses on how one should carry out this complex and systematic project of constructing China’s independent IR knowledge system. Zheng offers five points:

• First, it is essential to re-examine and elaborate China’s traditional wisdom in handling international relations. Take the tribute tax system, for example. There's a reason why this system survived and developed for thousands of years. Conceptually, it is a form of moral realism, a practical expression of the principle ‘when in poverty/limitation/difficulty, cultivate oneself alone/focus on capability, self-improvement and maintaining your own moral integrity; when successful/influential, benefit the world’ (是穷则独善其身、达则兼济天下), which acknowledges the responsibility of major powers but also takes into account the sustainable development of the major powers themselves. One important factor for China’s long-term maintenance of vast territory is that the tribute tax system was a regional and international order system with high level of flexibility. 第一，需要重新认识和阐述中国处理国际关系的传统智慧。比如贡赋体系，这一体系能够存在和发展数千年并不是没有任何道理的。从理念看，这是一种道德现实主义，是穷则独善其身、达则兼济天下的实践表达，既承认大国的责任，又兼顾大国本身的可持续发展。中国能够长期维持辽阔的疆域，一个重要因素就是贡赋体系是一种具有高度伸缩性的区域和国际秩序体系. (Note: Here Zheng is telling us that China needs to maintain deep economic linkages with peripheral states in order to achieve its goals today. He reimagines the tributary system as the framework for this today too.)

• Second, correctly understand the concentric-circles-layered structure of China’s international relations and diplomatic practice. The previously mentioned sequential structure of ancient China from frontiers (land and maritime frontiers) to periphery to the world has undergone creative transformation in contemporary times. If the concentric-circles-layered structure emphasises national security, then contemporary China’s global and international perspective reflects a broader scope of international engagement, and whether at the periphery or globally, the principles of international relations that China adheres to are the same. 第二，正确认识中国国际关系和外交实践的圈层结构。前面所述中国古代从边疆（陆地边疆和海洋边疆）到周边再到世界的次序结构，在当代获得了创造性转型。如果圈层结构强调的是国家安全，那么当代中国的全球观和国际观反映的则是更大范围的国际交往，并且无论在周边还是国际，中国坚持的国际关系原则都是一样的. (Note: This is an important point. It implies that China needs to be much more engaged with the external world, even far flung areas, and on issues of order in a normative and institutional sense for it to achieve the goals of national security. That aspect is what distinguishes the traditional concerns and scope of activity related to national security from modern-day imperatives.)

• Third, non-interventionism. Whether in ancient or modern times, China has never proactively interfered in the affairs of other countries. The result of some Western countries interfering in the affairs of other countries is that the affected countries are unable to form their own independent order, and when the international balance of power shifts, these countries may fall into anarchy. Interventionism is a direct reflection of Western monistic values. China practices genuine multilateralism, seeking to deal with various countries, but never actively intervenes in local orders. China has coexisted with Southeast Asian countries for thousands of years and has never turned any country into its own colony. The history of China being invaded by imperialism since modern times has not only perpetuated China’s non-interventionism but also strengthened it. 第三，不干预主义。无论是古代还是近代以来，中国从不主动干预其他国家事务。个别西方国家干涉他国事务的结果是，被干预国家无法形成自主的秩序，而当国际力量对比出现变化时，这些国家就可能出现无政府状态。干预主义，是西方一元主义价值观的直接反映。中国践行的是真正的多边主义，寻求和各国打交道，但从来不会主动干预当地秩序。中国和东南亚国家相处数千年，从来没有把哪个国家变成自己的殖民地。近代以来中国受帝国主义侵略的历史，使中国的不干预主义不仅延续，并得以强化. (Note: I read this as Zheng arguing for China to remain extremely cautious when it comes to getting caught in regional or sub-regional frictions. For instance, what role should China play in resolving tensions in the Middle East or around Afghanistan? Zheng seems to be arguing for caution. The next point adds to this, emphasising greater development diplomacy but avoiding getting caught in regional conflicts.)

• Fourth, engagement and autonomy. China has never been the kind of isolated and closed country that the West describes it as. On the contrary, China is deeply interested in exploring the world; otherwise there would not have been the historical Silk Road, nor would there be today’s BRI. China advocates that when prosperous, one should help and benefit the world, engaging with the world; the traditional theme is ‘harmony generates wealth,’ and the contemporary theme is common development. China emphasises its own independence and self-governance, and also respects other countries’ independence and self-governance. Although the concept of sovereignty originated in the modern West, in terms of its essence, many traditional practices of China’s foreign interactions have already embodied the connotation and requirements of sovereignty. Chinese-style modernisation is modernisation that follows the path of peaceful development, both achieving development and maintaining independence, which is precious and rare. This is China’s pursuit and also the principle China follows toward other countries. 第四，接触与自治。中国从来不是西方所说的那种孤立封闭的国家。相反，中国对探索世界深感兴趣，否则就不会有历史上的丝绸之路，也不会有今天的共建“一带一路”倡议。中国倡导达则兼济天下，和世界接触，传统的主题是“和气生财”，当代的主题是共同发展。中国强调自己的自主和自治性，也尊重他国的自主和自治性。尽管主权这一概念产生于近代西方，但就其本质而言，中国对外交往的诸多传统实践已经体现了主权的内涵和要求。中国式现代化是走和平发展道路的现代化，既获得发展，也保持独立，这是难能可贵的。这是中国的追求，也是中国对其他国家奉行的原则。

• Fifth, openness and sustainable development. General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out, ‘China's opening up to the outside world is not about performing a one-man show, but about welcoming all parties to participate together; it is not about seeking spheres of influence, but about supporting common development of all countries; it is not about creating one's own backyard garden, but about building a garden of diverse flowers shared by all countries’.Among all major civilisations that have existed and currently exist, Chinese civilisation displays distinct openness. Openness is manifested not only at the material level but also at the spiritual level. Chinese people deeply understand that only in an open state can they achieve sustainable development; and only in an open state can China help the world and develop together with other countries.. When China prospers, others prosper; and when others prosper, China can also do better. This is the demeanour displayed by contemporary China’s international relations and diplomatic practice, and is also the inheritance and promotion of excellent traditional Chinese culture. 第五，对外开放与生生不息。习近平总书记指出：“中国对外开放，不是要一家唱独角戏，而是要欢迎各方共同参与；不是要谋求势力范围，而是要支持各国共同发展；不是要营造自己的后花园，而是要建设各国共享的百花园。”在所有存在过和现存的几大文明中，中华文明彰显着鲜明的开放性。开放不仅表现在物质层面，也表现在精神层面。中国人深知，只有在开放的状态下，自己才能实现可持续发展；也只有在开放状态下，中国才可以兼济天下，和其他国家共同发展。自己好了，其他人也好；其他人好了，自己可以更好。这是当代中国国际关系和外交实践展现出来的风貌，也是对中华优秀传统文化的传承和弘扬.